By: Bestang Dekdeken, Land is Life Asia Coordinator

Asia is home to an estimated 260 to 411 million Indigenous Peoples, around two-thirds of the global Indigenous population. These Peoples represent over 2,000 distinct civilizations and languages and inhabit diverse ecosystems, including mountains, plateaus, coastal areas, deserts, and rainforests. Their ways of life are deeply rooted in unique relationships with their ancestral lands and territories.

However, the concept of “Indigenous Peoples” remains contentious across much of Asia. Many governments reject the term and instead use alternative classifications such as “hill tribes,” “ethnic minorities,” “minority nationalities,” “scheduled tribes,” “Adivasi,” or Masyarakat Hukum Adat. These terminologies often strip Indigenous Peoples of their distinct identity and deny them the specific rights recognized under international law.

Although nearly all Asian countries, except Bangladesh, voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007, few have implemented it. Most States have yet to officially recognize Indigenous Peoples or fulfill their obligations under the declaration. Even in countries with legal frameworks, such as the Philippines’ Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act, Indigenous Peoples continue to face systemic human rights violations, land dispossession, discrimination, and denial of self-determination.

The modern Indigenous Peoples’ movement in Asia began to take shape in the early 1980s. In the Philippines, they mobilized effectively against Martial Law and a World Bank-funded dam in the Cordillera region. In Malaysia, protests against deforestation in the late 1980s spurred the growth of Indigenous Peoples’ resistance. Similar movements later emerged across the region in response to neo-colonialism, authoritarianism, extractive industries, and the erosion of Indigenous Peoples’ land rights.

In 1992, the formation of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) marked a key milestone, providing a regional platform to strengthen unity, solidarity, and advocacy among Indigenous Peoples’ movements. Other regional networks followed, including the Asia Young Indigenous Peoples Network, Asia Indigenous Peoples’ Network on Extractive Industries and Energy, Indigenous Peoples Human Rights Defenders Network, and Land is Life. These alliances support community-led efforts to defend land, territories, and the right to self-determination.

Asian Indigenous leaders have also played a vital role at the international level. They were instrumental in shaping global advocacy spaces such as the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Their sustained engagement contributed significantly to the drafting and eventual adoption of UNDRIP in 2007.

Today, the Indigenous Peoples’ movement in Asia continues to grow, grounded in collective resistance, cultural survival, and solidarity. Despite progress, the struggle for genuine recognition, rights, and justice remains urgent, and far from over.

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Land is Life stands in solidarity with the Indigenous Adi People of Arunachal Pradesh, Northeast India, in their ongoing struggle to assert their rights, defend their ancestral land and protect the Siang River from the proposed 11000, MW Siang Upper Multipurpose Hydroelectric Project — set to become the largest dam in India.     

Land is Life expresses deep concern over the ongoing efforts by the Government of India and the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC) to carry out a Pre-Feasibility Survey (PFR) for the project, despite a long-standing opposition of the affected Adi Indigenous People and failing to obtain their Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).

The proposed Siang Dam will affect at least 27 villages in Arunachal and other villages in the downstream areas, displacing them from their ancestral land and undermining their traditional way of life, culture and food systems.

Over the past few week, the Adi people launched protests against the forceful pre-feasibility study for the project and the deployment of security forces to facilitate the PFR surveys, viewing it as a form of militarization and intimidation. Further, the government’s filing of legal charges against Ebo Milli, a prominent anti-dam activist, and other anti-dam protesters is undemocratic.

Land is Life supports the Adi People’s call for meaningful dialogue and for the Government of India to uphold the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), as  enshrined in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2007. The ecological and human risks of constructing such a massive dam in this fragile region —marked by rich biodiversity and high seismicity activity in the Eastern Himalayas—are immense. The catastrophic breach of the 1200 MW Teesta III dam in Sikkim on 4 October 2023 due to climate change induced glacial lake outburst flood, as well as the damage to multiple dams during the 2011 earthquake in the region, serves as a reminder of the dangers associated with meg-dam projects in Northeast India.

Land is Life urge upon the Government of India to concede the demands of affected Adi People to stop the PFR surveys and ensure their right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent is upheld. We strongly support the communities’ call to end the militarization of their territories and to stop the use of threats, intimidation, and bribery that create division among Indigenous Peoples.

We further urge the Government of India to drop the legal charges against Ebo Milli and other members of the communities protesting the dam, and ensure the safety and protection of Indigenous Peoples’ leaders and human rights defenders advocating for just development and Indigenous Peoples’ rights.

Instead of pursuing destructive mega-dam projects, the Government should prioritize the real social and development needs of Indigenous Peoples of Arunachal Pradesh — such as access to quality healthcare, education, and livelihood opportunities — as demanded by the communities themselves. Any future energy solutions must be developed in genuine consultation with Indigenous Peoples, ensuring their full participation and Free, Prior and Informed Consent.   

El cargo Land is Life Statement of Solidarity with the Adi People in their Campaign to Protect the Siang River and Ancestral Lands from Mega Dam Construction in Arunachal Radesh, Northeast India apareció primero en Land Is Life.

Land is Life congratulates the Indigenous Peoples in the Cordillera region, Philippines and the Cordillera Peoples Alliance for a successful 41st People’s Cordillera Day celebration. This year, the Cordillera Day activities were held from 13-27 April 2025 in 3 cities in the Philippines and in Hong Kong and Hawaii, with the participation of a total of 3,000 Indigenous Peoples and advocates. We believe this is a testament to a strengthened unity and solidarity of Cordillera Indigenous Peoples in their struggle for land and life.

Amidst the relentless state attacks against the Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) and communities of Indigenous Peoples in the Cordillera, the Cordillera Indigenous Peoples have once again demonstrated that no amount of political repression can stop Indigenous Peoples from defending their ancestral lands, natural resources and human rights.

Over the past few years, Land is Life stood with the Cordillera Peoples Alliance and Indigenous Peoples’ communities in the Cordillera region as they faced relentless attacks to their human rights along with the intrusion of corporate mining and energy projects in their territories.

As part of our continued support and solidarity with the Cordillera Indigenous Peoples, Land is Life co-sponsored the Cordillera Summit on Just Energy Transition and Indigenous Peoples Rights which was held from April 24-26 in Baguio City. The summit was among the highlights of this year’s People’s Cordillera Day celebration. Attended by more than 800 Indigenous Peoples and advocates, the summit reinvigorated the Cordillera Indigenous Peoples’ struggle against destructive projects and related human rights violations. The summit came out with a strong Unity Declaration for the protection of the environment, defense of ancestral land, and assertion of Indigenous People’s rights. 

We continue to draw inspiration from the resilience of the Indigenous Peoples in the Cordillera and other Indigenous Peoples all over the world as we advance our work for Indigenous Peoples’ rights and welfare.

We stand firmly with the Cordillera Indigenous Peoples as they assert their rights to land and self-governance.

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Land is Life calls on the Government of India to reconsider the pursuit of the 11,000 MW Siang Hydroelectric Project and other large-scale dams in Arunachal Pradesh and across North East India. It is deeply concerning that the Government of India is pushing forward with the construction of the Siang Dam on the Siang River without securing the free, prior, and informed consent of the Adi and other affected Indigenous Peoples in Arunachal Pradesh. The Adi tribe has called for the recognition of their rights, urging consideration of the potential impacts of the dam on their land, livelihoods, culture, and identity, particularly regarding involuntary displacement, land grabbing, the influx of non-Indigenous populations, and militarization. They have further called for a halt to the dam’s construction on their ancestral lands and territories.

The Government of Arunachal Pradesh’s notification on December 6, 2024, to deploy Central Armed Police Forces in Siang District to facilitate the Pre-Feasibility Study of the Siang Dam has alarmed the Adi people. They view this notification as a direct attack on democratic decision-making processes in development and as an undemocratic resort to force. The Adi people are also deeply concerned about the potential for repressive actions and other human rights violations due to the militarization of their territory.

The proposed 11,000 MW Siang Dam would have severe social, environmental, and cultural consequences for the Adi Indigenous Peoples and their land. In addition to the local impacts, the dam would cause significant downstream effects, such as widespread flooding in Assam. The disaster risk posed by the dam is further heightened by the region’s high seismic activity and the effects of climate change, including glacier melting and deforestation in the Himalayan region.

Land is Life urges the Government of India to halt the 11,000 MW Siang Hydroelectric Project and to cease the militarization of Indigenous territories for dam construction. The demands of the Adi Indigenous Peoples must be fully respected, in line with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2007.

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On November 23, at 1:23 am, our brother Leonard Imbiri passed away. Leo lived his life in a good way, struggling against injustice, working for future generations, and bringing hope to the Indigenous Peoples of Papua.

Leo was part of the Land is Life family for over two decades. As Executive Director of Yayasan Anak Dusun Papua (YADUPA), and Chair of Dewan Adat Papua (Papua Customary Council), he worked tirelessly to defend human rights and advance the self-determination of the forgotten Peoples of West Papua. Leo made it a priority to build the capacity of, and support, Indigenous women and youth; reminding us of the key role that women play in the struggles of the Papuan Peoples, and the importance of nurturing the development of Papua’s future leaders.

Leo was fearless. He continued his work – always moving forward – despite continuous threats and harassment. He brought the voices of the Papuan people to those in power in Jakarta, New York and Geneva. He traveled the world to forge alliances with other Indigenous Peoples, touching the lives of countless Indigenous leaders working under similarly dangerous conditions. Wherever he went, Leo brought smiles to the faces of everyone he met. He was full of humor, humility, and optimism.

Leo’s work will carry on. His legacy will grow.
We mourn the passing of our good friend. We celebrate his life. We send our prayers and condolences to his family.
Papua Merdeka!

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Deforestation for sugar projects in Merauke, Source: Yayasan Pusaka

Sugar is often synonymous with sweetness, enhancing and strengthening the flavor of food. But will the same outcome occur in Papua, where the land and its Indigenous Peoples are increasingly being eroded for the interests of the National Sugar and Bioethanol Development Project?

The land of Papua has long been a target for various parties seeking to control and exploit its resources—not only what is on the surface but also what lies beneath the earth. This often disregards the existence of the Indigenous Papuan People, who have managed and protected the land for generations.

One thing that continues to grow stronger over time is the government’s ambition to develop large-scale agricultural and plantation lands in Papua. Looking back, this ambitious project was initiated in 2006 when former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono declared the Merauke Integrated Rice Estate project in Merauke Regency, Papua Province. This involved allocating 3.2 million hectares of land to be converted into rice fields and plantations. The project ultimately failed and was replaced in 2010 by the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE), which allocated 2.5 million hectares and added energy elements such as wood chips and palm oil to attract investors.

Under President Joko Widodo’s administration, the government re-declared the Food Estate project in Papua, with the aim of developing corn, rice fields, and sugarcane plantations across West Papua and South Papua Province. Additionally, through Presidential Decree Number 15 of 2024, concerning the Task Force for the Acceleration of Sugar and Bioethanol Self-Sufficiency in Merauke Regency, South Papua Province, the government has outlined the implementation of the National Sugar Self-Sufficiency and Bioethanol Provision Program. This mega-project is already underway, with 2 million hectares of land reserved for development, placing it within the National Strategic Project and Special Economic Zone scheme.

Symbolic opening ceremony by President Joko Widodo, Source: Media

The seriousness of this government initiative is evident, given that Indonesia is still a sugar-importing nation. In 2023, sugar imports totaled 5 million tons, with Thailand, India, Brazil, and Australia as the largest suppliers. Meanwhile, national sugar production stands at only 2.4 million tons per year, a figure that continues to decline. National sugar requirements in 2023 reached 3.2 million tons per year, meaning that imports are currently the only solution to this deficit.

This situation is also tied to Indonesia’s commitment to national energy independence, with a focus on new renewable energy sources. In 2025, Indonesia aims for a renewable energy mix of 23%, which will increase to 31% by 2030. This energy transition is expected to be fueled by biodiesel from palm oil and bioethanol from sugarcane.

These two major goals—achieving self-sufficiency in sugar production and advancing energy independence—are the driving forces behind the government’s push for this large-scale project. However, the government’s claims of eradicating poverty and overcoming the backwardness of Papuan society are often used to legitimize these development projects in the region.

This national-scale project places new pressure on South Papua, a province newly formed in 2022 after the expansion of Papua Province under Law Number 14 of 2022. South Papua consists of four regencies: Merauke, Boven Digoel, Mappi, and Asmat. As a new province, South Papua must prioritize development for its people. However, it is currently being forced to accommodate the mega Food Estate Project intended for rice and sugarcane cultivation.

Haji Isam, owner of Jholin Group (middle with hat and black glasses), guarded by armed military in Food Estate Location

Several large companies, including WILMAR, KPN Corporation, Jhonlin, and First Resources, have also committed to partnering with the government through the PTPN Corp holding in this consortium.

Consent from Indigenous Peoples

Indigenous Peoples in South Papua are heavily dependent on forests. However, their land is increasingly threatened by the large-scale privatization and development projects carried out by the government and private sector. Indigenous Peoples claim they were not properly informed or consulted about the food estate plan, and many were shocked to learn of the land clearing operations. As customary landowners, they feel pressured to support the government’s grand plan. It appears they have no choice but to accept the loss of their land and forests, which have sustained them for generations.

Papuan Indigenous Peoples traditionally rely on sago as their primary food source, not rice. Forcing Papuan land to become a rice producer, by replacing forests and sago with rice fields, will disrupt the community’s wisdom, production and consumption patterns, and ultimately their traditions.

Harvesting Sago as collective efforts of Papuan Indigenous Peoples. Source: Kompas

This situation seems like an ongoing tragedy—Indigenous Peoples will watch from the sidelines as development unfolds, with no direct involvement as both actors and beneficiaries of this development. Meanwhile, the government and private sector continue to promise progress and prosperity, yet in reality, poverty, backwardness, and hunger persist in Papua. The loss of forests and customary land in Papua, and the uprooting of Indigenous Peoples from their culture and customs, seems inevitable, while prosperity remains a distant dream for them.

So, will this project bring sweet sugar or merely the bitter dregs of sugarcane for the indigenous Papuan people?

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Puede que Bangladesh sea una estrella en ascenso, pero la voz de sus pueblos indígenas ha caído en oídos sordos.

Bangladesh es una estrella en ascenso en el escenario internacional. Las recientes visitas del presidente francés, Emmanuel Macrón y Sergei Lavrov, el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores ruso, son testimonio de la creciente importancia del país.

India, que rodea a Bangladesh, salvo una pequeña zona al sur donde el país limita con Myanmar, también mantiene un gran interés en el país desde que luchó a principios de los años 1970 por su independencia de Pakistán. Para completar el panorama, el presidente chino Xi Jinping, también pasó por Bangladesh, sin duda interesado en la suerte de las importantes inversiones hechas por China como parte de su ahora aparentemente estancada iniciativa de la Franja y Ruta; China es el principal prestamista del país, lo que sin duda hace que India esté pendiente de sus intenciones. Para Bangladesh y su gobernante Liga Awami, por otro lado, el sol brilla como nunca.

Sin entrar en detalle, parece justo decir que todo va bien para una nación que alguna vez fue considerada un “caso perdido”, y ahora es conocido como un milagro económico. Internamente, por otra parte, quedan importantes cuestiones por resolver. Uno es el destino de los Chittagong Hill Tracts, CHT, una zona en el centro del país tradicionalmente poblada por minorías indígenas. Muchos de estos pueblos, conocidos colectivamente como Jummas, todavía administran sus territorios de forma colectiva, pero en la actualidad sus tradiciones y culturas se encuentran amenazadas por el extractivismo y una industria de turismo en la que el ejército del país mantiene un fuerte interés.

En el pasado la Liga Awami estuvo preocupada por el CHT y el destino de los pueblos indígenas, firmando el Acuerdo Chittagong Hill Tracts después de 20 años de conflicto armado. El documento habría dado a los Pueblos Indígenas una gran medida de control sobre sus territorios y sistemas de gobierno, y fue ampliamente celebrado también por haber puesto fin a los combates. Eran tiempos optimistas en el CHT. Sin embargo, unos veintisiete años después, el acuerdo no se ha implementado. En algún momento, la Liga Awami cambió de opinión.

No está claro a qué se debe el cambio de opinión, pero cualesquiera que hayan sido los motivos, el destino de la CHT y sus Pueblos Indígenas sigue siendo frágil. Lo que está claro es que a medida que disminuye la posibilidad de que se implemente el Acuerdo, su inseguridad aumenta. Para ilustrar el problema, en un área que en el pasado fue casi enteramente poblada por pueblos indígenas, los bengalíes, que constituyen el 98% de la etnia principal del país, ahora forman aproximadamente la mitad de los habitantes.

Y, efectivamente, los militares del país han sido acusados durante mucho tiempo de diseñar cambios demográficos. Y durante las décadas de 1970 y 1980 hizo precisamente eso: instituyeron medidas que cambiarían la composición demográfica del CHT. Según el Grupo de Trabajo Internacional para Asuntos Indígenas (IWGIA), más de 400.000 bengalíes sin tierras fueron asentados en la zona, mientras que miles de indígenas se vieron obligados a abandonar sus hogares. Quizás fueron los afortunados; miles más fueron asesinados por los propios militares.

Los abusos contra los derechos humanos continuaron hasta finales de los años ochenta y principios de los noventa y, como resultado, 70.000 jummas, aproximadamente el 10% de la población jumma total, se vieron obligados a huir y buscar refugio en el estado indio de Tripura.

La regulación de del país, instituida durante el período colonial británico, es ahora la única legislación que brinda protección a los pueblos indígenas de la zona. Pero ese Reglamento también está bajo ataque: impugnada ante los tribunales, según algunas fuentes a instancias de las fuerzas armadas. Y si logran invalidar la legislación, el camino quedará despejado para que personas ajenas compren legalmente tierras en Hill Tracts, las formas tradicionales de gestión de la tierra inevitablemente desaparecerán, y la batalla estará a punto de terminar.

¿A quién le interesa los Chittagong Hill Tracts?

A pocos parece. Puede que Bangladesh haya logrado enormes avances económicos desde su fundación en 1972, y ahora sea cortejado por las grandes potencias, pero el destino de los Pueblos Indígenas del país y de los propios Hill Tracts, no está en la lista de prioridades de nadie.

Esto queda claro en el caso de la Liga Awami y la Primera Ministra Sheik Hassina, que en enero regresó al poder por cuarto período consecutivo de cinco años. La victoria se anticipó, en parte porque el Partido Nacional de Bangladesh (BNP) boicoteó la votación, y en parte porque, incluso si no lo hubiera hecho, la victoria de la Liga Awami, sospechosa durante mucho tiempo de manipulación electoral, simplemente era “esperada”. De ahí el boicot y el encarcelamiento de miles de miembros del partido de oposición. El Gobierno, que se encargó de supervisar la votación, llegó incluso a condenar al Premio Nobel de la Paz Muhammad Yunus por violar leyes laborales. Yunus es el fundador del Banco Grameen, y uno de los principales defensores del microcrédito, un factor que para muchos fue clave en estimular la recuperación económica de Bangladesh.

Como gobierno de facto del país, es probable que los militares tampoco cambien su postura. Un breve análisis sugiere que sus intereses no son atendidos por un área con un potencial turístico importante, pero que no está cien por ciento bajo su control. Binota Doy Dhamai, ex Presidente-Relator del Mecanismo de Expertos de la ONU sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, bromea diciendo que lo que existe hoy en el CHT es un “Complejo Turístico Militar”. Y, vale añadir, la zona también sirve como campo de entrenamiento para el ejército. La experiencia adquirida allí puede servir cuando los soldados bangladesíes participen en las fuerzas de mantenimiento de la paz de la ONU; el país es el segundo mayor contribuyente de personal militar a estas iniciativas. Como beneficio adicional, las misiones aportan dinero, tanto para el país como para los propios soldados.

Entonces, aparte de los pueblos indígenas y aquellos con intereses en sus tierras, en Bangladesh nadie está muy interesado en el destino de la zona y, si lo están, generalmente guardan silencio por temor a represalias. En efecto, muchos críticos ya se han ido a la India y otros países más receptivos. Externamente, puede haber preocupación, principalmente en la oficina del Relator Especial de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, y entre las ONG internacionales, pero éstas tienen poco poder en Bangladesh a pesar de la importante contribución que hicieron a la recuperación del país. Por su parte, es poco probable que las misiones diplomáticas anteriormente mencionadas sean tan indiscretas como para mencionar lo que se considera un asunto menor en una pequeña zona de un país de interés. La geopolítica lo supera todo.

Las aparentemente olvidadas Chittagong Hill Tracts y sus pueblos indígenas se enfrentan a un futuro extremadamente sombrío.

Texto: Gerard Coffey. Traducción: Mayly Torres, Foto: intercontinentalcry.org

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Bangladesh may be a rising star, but the voice of its Indigenous Peoples has fallen on deaf ears.

Bangladesh is a rising star on the international stage. Recent visits by French President Macron and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, give testimony to the country’s growing importance. Neighboring India also maintains a keen interest in its neighbor, having taken Bangladesh’s side in its fight for independence from Pakistan in the early 1970’. Chinese President Xi Jinping, also stopped by; no doubt concerned about the fate of the major investments made in Bangladesh as part of its now seemingly stalled Belt and Road Initiative. China is also the country’s major lender, doubtless making India uneasy. For Bangladesh and its ruling Awamy League, however, the sun is shining.

Without getting into too much detail, it seems fair to say things are going well for this Asian nation once judged a ‘basket case’, but now considered something of an economic miracle. Internally, however, there are major issues to be resolved. One is the fate of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, (CHT), an area in the center of the country traditionally populated by Indigenous minorities. Many of these Peoples, collectively known as Jummas, still manage their lands collectively, but now find these traditional systems threatened by extractive projects and a tourism industry in which the military has major interests.

At one point, the Awami League appeared concerned about the CHT and the fate of its peoples, signing the Chittagong Hills Accord after 20 years of armed conflict. The document would have given Indigenous Peoples a large amount of control over their territories and systems of government, and was also widely celebrated for putting an end to the fighting. These were optimistic times in the CHT. However, some twenty-seven years later, the accord has not been implemented; somewhere along the line, the Awami League changed its mind.

What led to the change of heart is not clear, but whatever the motives might have been, the fate of the CHT and its Indigenous Peoples remains fragile. What is clear, is that as the possibility the Accord will be implemented diminishes, their insecurity increases.To illustrate the problem, in an area once almost entirely populated by Indigenous Peoples, Bengalis, who form 98% of the country’s principal ethnicity now form almost half the inhabitants.

The military has long been accused of engineering population change. And during the 1970s and 1980s it did just that, instituting measures that would change the demographic makeup of the CHT. According to the International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), more than 400,000 landless Bengalis were settled in the area, while thousands of Indigenous People were forced to leave their homes. They were perhaps the lucky ones; thousands more were killed by the military itself. 

The human rights abuses continued into the late eighties and early nineties, and as a result, 70,000 Jummas, about 10% of the total Jumma population, were forced to flee and seek shelter in the Indian state of Tripura.

The country’s 1900 regulation, instituted in 1900 during the British colonial period, is now the only legislation that affords protection to the area’s Indigenous Peoples. But that Regulation is also under attack; it is now being challenged in the courts, according to some sources at the behest of the armed forces. If the legislation is invalidated, traditional forms of land management will inevitably disappear, the way will be clear for outsiders to legally buy land in the Hill Tracts, and the battle will be almost over.

Who is interested in the Chittagong Hill Tracts?

Few it seems. Bangladesh may have made huge economic strides since its founding in 1972, and is now courted by the great powers, but the fate of the country’s Indigenous Peoples, and the Hill Tracts themselves, is on no one’s list of priorities.

This is certainly true of Prime Minister Sheik Hassina, and her Awami League, recently returned to power for a fourth consecutive five year period. The victory was anticipated, in part because the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) boycotted the vote, and in part because even if it hadn’t, the victory of the Awami League, long suspected of electoral manipulation, was simply ‘expected’. Hence the boycott, and the jailing of thousands of opposition party members.The Government, which charged itself with the supervision of the vote, even went as far as to convict Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus, of violating labor laws. Yunus is the founder of the Grameen Bank, and one of the major advocates of microcredit, a factor many credit with stimulating Bangladesh’s economic turnaround.

As the country’s de facto government, the military is also unlikely to change its stance. A brief analysis suggests their interests are not served by an area that has important tourism potential, but is not entirely under their control. Binota Doy Dhamai, former Chair-Rapporteur of the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, quipped that what exists in the CHT today is a ‘Military Touristic Complex’. The area is also serves as a training ground for the army. Experience gained there can be helpful when Bangladeshi soldiers take part in UN Peacekeeping forces; the country is the second largest contributor of military personnel to these initiatives. As a bonus, the missions bring in money, for both the country and the soldiers themselves.

So apart from the Indigenous Peoples and those with an interest in their lands, in Bangladesh no one is much interested in the fate of the area, and if they are, they generally keep quiet about it for fear of reprisals. Many critics have already left for India and other more amenable countries. Externally, there may be concern, mainly at the office of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and amongst International NGOs, but these have little power in Bangladesh despite the major contribution they made to the country’s dramatic recovery. For their part, diplomatic missions mentioned above are unlikely to be so indiscreet as to mention what is deemed a small matter in a small area of a sought after country. Geopolitics trumps all.

The seemingly forgotten Chittagong Hill Tracts and its Indigenous Peoples, are facing an extremely bleak future.

Text: Gerard Coffey

Foto: intercontinentalcry.org

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The situation in Bangladesh is critical. The upcoming 2024 parliamentary elections have led to demands for free elections, outbreaks of violence and the jailing of thousands. The situation is extremely serious, at least four people have died and hundreds have been injured, but despite pressure to initiate dialogue with the opposition, the military-supported government is not backing down. Prime Minister Sheik Hasina, in power since 2009, is seeking a fourth five-year term amidst accusations of vote rigging in previous elections, and major pay protests by garment workers.

Whatever the outcome, the future of the Indigenous Peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and the 1900 Regulation that lends a certain amount of protection for their lands and traditional forms of government, are in serious danger. Keeping up international pressure is essential if these Indigenous Peoples are to survive and live in peace on their traditional lands, with their traditional forms of government.

The Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord and the 1900 Regulation.

Signed in December 1997, The CHT Accord (CHTA) was a result of a longstanding conflict between the Indigenous Peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), and the government of what was then East Pakistan and later Bangladesh. The CHTA was designed to restore peace after a twenty year internal conflict, guarantee the rights of Indigenous Peoples in the CHT, and improve their participation in government, but after almost 26 years, it is basically dead letter. As Binota Doy Dhamai* explains, “while the structures required by the Accord (establishment of the CHT as an Indigenous-inhabited special administered area; the creation of a mechanism to resolve land disputes; the rehabilitation of returning refugees and Internally Displaced Persons) have been put into place, they are not functional and play no part in government.

What makes the situation more serious is that the 1900 Regulation, which came into being on May 1st, 1900, during the British colonial era, and was designed to protect the Indigenous inhabitants and their culture from outside immigration, is also under attack.

Invalidating the 1900 Regulation, presently being challenged in two separate legal cases that many assume to be the work of the army, will have serious consequences for the area’s Indigenous Peoples. One of the most problematic would be the ability of outsiders to buy land, something the 1900 regulation, which recognizes the region’s customary governance system and traditional forms of government, presently prohibits without the permission of the traditional chief.  Deprived of the regulation, Indigenous Peoples’ lands would be at the mercy of business, and extractive industries such as natural gas, stone mining, and tourism, much of it sponsored, ironically, by the country’s military.

As Dhamai says, “Land grabbing was rife before the 1900 Regulation was passed, and became more difficult because of it, but even with the Regulation, the Military have been occupying scenic areas for the last ten years, and promoting their own tourism projects. What we have here is a type of Military Touristic Complex.”

The land management structure of the CHT is presently traditional, and is recognized by the Regulation as such: there are no property titles, and all land is therefore managed collectively. As a consequence, if the challenge to the 1900 Regulation succeeds, the lack of titles could be used to declare that the area has no legal owners and can therefore be occupied.

Even now, with the regulation still in force, explains Dhamai, the natural resources of the hill tracts, which contain major sources of biodiversity, have been depleted over the last 25 years by a combination of agricultural monoculture, tourism activities, hill-cutting, and stone extraction by private corporations, the government and the military. “At present there are hundreds of military camps in the region (supposedly to be dismantled according to the Accord), and together with a major police and paramilitary presence, including the ‘Bangladesh Border Guard’, which is supposed to defend the area from intrusions from both India and Myanmar, the area is basically under military rule”.

The root causes

One of the causes of the dispute that led to the armed conflict was the construction by Pakistan of the Kaptai Dam in 1962, which led to an estimated 100,000 Indigenous People being evicted, a displacement succeeding governments failed to address. About 40 percent of the zone’s arable land was also flooded and 40,000 Indigenous People fled to India. Adding to the problem of displacement, Indigenous Peoples were excluded from debate in the Constituent Assembly that led to Bangladesh’s initial constitution, written after independence from Pakistan in 1971. The country’s principal founder, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, even insisted the Hill Tract People adopt Bengali identity, and according to some reports and studies also threatened to settle Bengalis in the Hill Tracts to reduce the native peoples to a minority.

Discontent finally led to armed conflict, which intensified in 1975, when the military assumed power. And during the 1970s and 1980s the Bangladesh military did indeed institute a migratory policy designed to change the demographics of the CHT, bringing in more than 400,000 Bengalis from the plains who are known as ‘settlers’. As a result, thousands of the area’s Indigenous Peoples were evicted, while the Bangladeshi army did its part in the scheme by killing thousands more.

The army’s human rights abuses continued into the late eighties and early nineties, and as a result, 70,000 Jummas, about 10% of the total Jumma population, was forced to flee and seek shelter in the Indian state of Tripura in 1986, 1989, and 1993.  Indigenous Peoples now constitute only 50% of the Hill Tracts population.

The armed conflict also continued into the 1990s. It was only in 1997 that it came to an end with the signing of an Accord that gave Indigenous groups hope for recognition and, equally important, peace. The agreement recognized the CHT region as a tribal inhabitant region; established the CHT monitoring committee; agreed to process review whenever needed; established a Chittagong Hill Tracts Ministry as part of the cabinet; established a land commission to settle disputes; agreed to the rehabilitation of both Jumma (Indigenous Peoples) refugees returning from India, and Internally Displaced People; and the dismantling of the more than 545 temporary military camps in the area.

But while the Accord brought relative peace, it did not bring stability. The continued heavy military presence in the region (only 100 of the initial 454 military bases were actually removed), together with the threats to the 1900 Regulation, which many believe are supported by the military controlled government of Sheik Hasina, have led to a resurgence of fear and mistrust. Internal violence has once more reared its head.

* (Member and former Chair-Rapporteur of the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples 2020 – 2023),        

Further reading:

https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/01/bangladesh-violence-erupts-amid-demands-fair-election

https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2022/12/bangladesh-un-expert-concerned-about-non-implementation-chittagong-hill

Fotos: 1. Subcontinental Wind 2. pressenza.com

El cargo THE 1900 REGULATION IS ESSENTIAL FOR THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF THE CHITTAGONG HILL TRACTS. apareció primero en Land Is Life.

El cargo INDIGENOUS WOMEN PARTICULARLY AT RISK IN BRUTAL INTER-ETHNIC CONFLICT IN MANIPUR. apareció primero en Land Is Life.